The contemporary Pole’s life looks more or less as follows – he spends about 25 first years of life outside the labour market trying to overcome next stages of education. Next, there is about 40 years of occupational activity, and then, he is retired for another 15 years. We should remember that one can be unemployed within the period of theoretical occupational activity, then we realize that the period of inactivity is longer than the period of activity. Such a situation is possible for the first time in the history of the world. Well then, the extension of the retirement age is essential to enter simply logical process, in which the man works more within his whole life, after all. It seems to be very logical, especially when we look at the structure of the week, in which we work for 5 days and have a rest for only 2.

The extension also makes sense from the labour market’s point of view. A group of employees, whose skills and health condition will let them be active longer at work, will be getting bigger in the following years. Nowadays, a lot of them decide to leave the labour market, only because they have been involved in retirement pension due to their age. One should restate a well-known argument that the number of people at the age of occupational activity will be successively on the decline in Poland, which will influence unemployment risk limitation. Since people learn and study longer, and their professional career has to be often given up not only due to the unemployment periods but also the necessity to improve one’s skills, then we have to assume that the extension of the retirement age is needed.

Pension reform is one of these reforms, which requires spreading over time because it affects too many and too big social groups. Its gradual implementation lets minimize negative consequences and spread them over time, and from this point of view, the ruling party’s approach to ways of its implementation seems to be right and reasonable. A general form of reforms, which the ruling coalition has negotiated among themselves, also appears to be acceptable. However, this plan – at least in the education sphere, because we cannot deal with a document yet – has also some significant drawbacks. Let’s focus on partial retirement. Such a solution is the most acceptable and employed also in other systems than the Polish one. Nevertheless, the way of implementing it mispresents the idea of the whole reform so to speak. It was supposed to make the retirement age of women and men equal, establishing it at 67 years. The present form creates a new inequality, though, as women can go into partial retirement at the age of 62, and men – 65.

In addition, Polish People’s Party tried to slip the thread which disappeared and concerned connection between possibility of going into retirement earlier and having children. At the beginning, elements of the family policy were supposed to be introduced to the retirement system, and such an approach could be defendable, though, methodologically doubtful. Nowadays, women who are mothers and have decided to bring up children, will be in worse situation than those who have no children. Mothers will simply have less amassed capital, from which partial retirement and full pension will be calculated. Well then, benefits for mothers will also be lower than for childless women. Moreover, one should notice that not only the principle of gender equality is violated here (creation of other regulation for women pure and simple because they are women), but also the age of 62 for women is definitely too low. There is a justified risk that employers will dismiss women quicker, thereby they will move them from remunerations to partial retirement, which is very low for mothers and counterproductive. Talking about privileging women, especially mothers, this plan de facto hits their interests. Partial retirement would make sense, if the age of 65 was established for both men and women.

A professional privilege is another important issue. Farmers are the only social group that is not supposed to have lesser capital (earlier retirement is to be calculated from full capital). Yet, the basic principle of social policy is that the retirement system is not to accomplish the aims of welfare, but to provide people at specific age with day-to-day expenses. We have other systems for it. So if farmers receive very low retirement benefits, then it should be compensated from other funds. Then, a part of the benefit would be paid from general retirement system and a part from welfare (when income threshold is met). The current form of the project is contrary to the universality principle of the retirement system. Of course, implementation of the income tax settlements in agriculture would also be necessary here, which has already been heralded for some time. I am afraid that implementation of privileges for farmers in the retirement system dismisses this prospect very much.

One ought to take into consideration the fact that individual professions differ from one another and one can work shorter in some of them (e.g. due to physical strains). It is truism, though. It is important for such people to have as much developed opportunities of retraining as possible or a total change of qualifications. We can imagine that e.g. a miner receives appropriate benefit for a year after finishing work in this profession, which will allow him for such retraining. The state also serves actively as a mediator and suggests individual approach, which guarantees that a new job will be found after retraining so to speak. Meanwhile, we place the elements of social policy in the retirement system again instead of building up the system, which would support such mechanisms. Therefore a system of the active labour market policy should be created. Miners, policemen, servicemen or any other group could be retrained using special companies (public or private) financed from labour fund. No one has security of employment today. Everyone has to improve their skills, supplement knowledge and have a little bit of retraining during their career – either a miner or a professor. So, people should be trained to search for and take up new employment. It can take a few years or even a dozen or so, but it is profitable. If we take a look at the groups privileged in the trade systems, then it appears that very few former employees, who went into earlier retirement, support themselves exclusively from benefit granted to them. So they are able to find a new job and capable of further activity, and there is no reason to hasten them to leave the labour market.

A specific Poland’s advantage in relation to other countries dealing with problems on the ground of the retirement system is the fact that we have as many as five numerous groups at our disposal, whose members are not professionally active enough. These are women, farmers, disabled people, youth and people who are over 50 years old. In many countries like Sweden, Germany and Netherlands the indicators of employing these people reached a maximum level, so one ought not to expect to search for people among them, who would supplement the shortage on the labour market. In Poland the situation is completely opposite.  Then, one should seek mechanisms which would motivate these groups. Reaching the European average in employing the representatives of these groups (40-60% from each) would bring additional 500 thousand people paying contributions to our labour market. In this respect trade unions are right when they talk about unused human potential.

It is also worth taking stance on the critics of raising the retirement age, who threaten us with the vision of elderly people forced to do hard work. In the meantime, you should remember that today’s labour market is probably something completely different than the labour market of 2040. Changes, we sometimes have opportunity to observe in relation to earlier times, can give us a good image of some tendencies. A profession of the bus driver is a good example here. Once it was reserved for men, because turning the steering wheel required considerable vigour, which practically no woman had. But surprisingly introducing a relatively minor innovation, that is power steering, made it possible for women to drive a bus. Technological progress is a factor which significantly limits – and will probably still limit – the number of professions physically strained, making other factors than vigour significant. Experience, out of verbal skills will be included in them, which make the labour market far friendlier for elderly people than this today. That is why, one should also consider such solutions, which will allow young people to gain experience as early as possible and compete with elders. The future labour market can be paradoxically far friendlier to elderly people rather than youngsters.

Well then, the governmental proposal is important and formulated rightly in pretty large measure, however, it has some drawbacks. Actions such as motivation of professionally inactive people or creation of the system that favours retraining of employees, has to follow the change implemented. First of all, you should remember that the changes in the retirement system are the changes concerning many years ahead, that is why they ought to be thought in a long-term aspect without considering today’s conditions.

Translation: Sylwia Syposz

Unfortunately, the brutal reality requires a slight relativization of the whole picture. The accusations hurled at Israel, commonly made by left-wing parties in Europe, result from one-dimensional point of view on what is going in the Middle East. Israel has more military strength than Palestinians, and overuses it in a brutal way, which resembles bullying. Typical left-wing reaction: to defend a weaker. Ok, I get it. But in this case, in my opinion, there is nothing more misleading.

Israel does not use this kind of preventive methods for pleasure nor because it considers Arabs worse, people who can and should be treated in this way. Palestinians, however, are not innocent, poor and downtrodden victims either. It is always worth noticing that it is Arabian side that is the one that attacks in this conflict, while Israel defends its rights to exist and its citizens right to live in that very part of globe. Of course, we can negate this law by moving back in history, but from the point of view of the present debate, I consider such arguments, as well as reproaching of faults from over 50 years, not only unconstructive but also third-rate. Israel defends itself in a brutal way (it’s unquestionable fact), because in the world of suicide bombers, missile attacks on school buses, intensifying for generations incitement to hatred, radicalization of Palestinians and the ubiquitous terror, other lenient measures, which were tested in the past, have proven to be ineffective and not ensure safety. And it is not about the full safety, because there is no such thing. It is about the elementary one. On the one hand, there is a democratic country, where majority of citizens hold liberal democratic values and which tries to retain its safety through means of ethnic separation (walls, checkpoints, “Palestinians-free highways”). On the other hand, there is a society, which exceeding critical mass part, for the realization of goals (e.g. liquidation of Israel) allows for terror, killings and established on the basis of racism extermination of the others. Therefore, we should not have doubts about which side of the conflict “to support”. The fact that the first of the sides has more coercive means and military power should not be the reason for condemnation but a reason to get some relief, since it is not Hamas nor Hezbollah that have this power. Although it may be true, it does not change anything when it comes to many decent Palestinians, who are free from racism, hatred and terrorist tendencies, but who suffer the consequences of Israelian actions.

There is no symmetry, no will, not even Tel Aviv’s plans to exterminate anyone, including Palestinians.

Despite completely different points of view, Dominika Blachnicka’s text takes to me. Even if there is one element which arises my fundamental resistance – that is the last part of the text. Here, the problem of our relations with Palestinians is moved, at least as I see it, from Israelian onto European grounds. The author makes here a comparison between the present Palestinian (I think I may say Arabs in general) situation and the situation of European Jews across the decades, up to the year 1945. The fact that we could not save Jews from our own demons fills the author with shame and guilt. So it is now very important to save Palestinians.

In my view, such comparison is too much. In the present day Europe Arabs are not threatened by anything that could be compared to what Jews had to face in the first half of the 20th century. Europeans will not carry out, on Arab people this time, another holocaust! There is no need for further “saving” them. Only the debate over the tolerance problem is relevant. Regardless of the number of crises and the loss of position and strength, Europe should still stand by the values of tolerance and respect for other cultures, traditions and customs and it should guard the ethnic minority rights to cherish them.  Nevertheless, the problem still exists, as beautiful, left-wing idea of multicultural society did not pass any tests. It is negated by those left-wingers who are advocates of total tolerance idea. By this notion I understand an allowance for a situation where minorities under tolerance protection would be discharged from parallel duty towards indigenous European citizens and other minorities, and where those minorities could show their intolerance. A project of this kind could easily be realized in Europe. Notwithstanding, it is not acceptable due to liberal standpoints. If the fundamental feature of freedom is an individual, not a group, then the right to decide about owns faith and path of life is the superior value to the right of minority groups, to nourish their customs and traditions.  So when the conflict arises, everything must be clear. Tolerance, which should be required from Islamic minorities in Europe, is an agreement to ban on imposing religious and cultural traditions on people, who although stem from their societies, have decided to leave them and live their lives as they see it, differently from what rules and traditional norms state. This is what has been lacking. Our Islamic fellow citizens very often cannot accept such model of social relations in Europe.

photo: Beth Rankin

To make it clear, here is an example. If you want to live in Marseilles, and not in e.g. Algeria, you have to expect that you would not be able to retain your traditions entirely. Some elements such as honor killings, arranged marriages, the coercion to wear burqas, locking up family members, following Sharia law and Ulama judicial system, banning children from going to school and raising them up in an antiscientific ignorance, are just a few of them. The basic rule in Marseilles has to be voluntariness and lack of coercion. As a result, non-acceptable in the new place of residence customs have to give way to internalization of basic rules and values regulating social life in the liberal democratic Europe, which can be called integration. Without integration we can’t talk about tolerance. 

Delusions that there are going to be some thorough demographic changes in the situation of minorities have to disappear, as they will eventually become majorities. One day it may happen that there will be places in Europe where Muslims will be the majority. It will not be any problem, unless these are radicals, but integrated Islamic Europeans ready and willing to nourish their faith and reconcile it with traditions of liberal Europe.

Translation: Piotr Gmitrowicz

Before answering the question, it must be emphasized that the older generation has not handed down the experience of NSZZ Solidarność[1]. 1970s and 1980s no longer serve as a great reservoir of values because the members of the abovementioned trade union argue permanently. The majority of Poles do not care about those times.

The young enter politics without relying on others because it is hard to derive any experience from the past. It may be advantageous that few young people establish political movements. They, however, have little in common with adult politicians. Young intellectuals believe in second-hand values (the All-Polish Youth[2] and antifascists serve as the examples) or criticize others.

The elections in 2011 proved that the most influential political parties do not concentrate on the needs of the young. That is the reason why the Palikot’s Movement[3] achieved such a great success. The majority of its voters were young people who do not belong to any political factions. The campaign on Facebook played an important part here. It is spectacular.

There are numerous small youth groups which do not cooperate with political movements. In spite of provoking debates with the followers of various values, adults support polarization. It is becoming more and more dangerous. The confrontation between Marsz Niepodległości[4] and Kolorowa Niepodległa[5] proves that.

Moreover, more research on the engagement of young people in politics should be conducted. It must be noted that the report of professor Szafrańska entitled Młodzi 2011 disregarded this issue. The author, however, may claim that it falls beyond her competence. I am aware that it would be hard to analyze the subject. Nevertheless, my article may be understood as a request to conduct further research. It would be great if youth groups described themselves and took part in debates.

One has to be careful when trying to find information about youth groups which are involved in politics. Information available on the Internet may not be reliable. It is likely that some youth groups exist only in the virtual world. The lack of organizational structure, however, often suggests that particular values have a great number of followers, who may hold a demonstration. The Internet and social networking services facilitate such processes.

Right-wingers

There are not many right-wing and left-wing youth groups in Poland. Nevertheless, it would take too much time to describe all of them. Having taken this into consideration, I decided to mention the most influential political movements.

The All-Polish Youth seems to be the most important right-wing youth group. The name has been derived from a pre-war political faction which was related to the National Democracy[6]. Robert Winnicki is the current headperson of the All-Polish Youth. The youth group cooperated with the League of Polish Families[7]. When the abovementioned political party was dissolved, the members of the All-Polish Youth made an attempt to find their political identity. Although it has not brought any results yet, the movement seems to have much in common with the Law and Justice[8]. The fact that the All-Polish Youth becomes less and less radical proves the hypothesis. It is often claimed that Jarosław Kaczyński (who is not a nationalist but rather the follower of Józef Piłsudski[9]) takes an interest in the All-Polish Youth. I guess that the movement constantly evolves. The members are attached to historical symbols, but they try to interpret own traditions at the same time. It may be understood as a critical reflection.

The reflection would be much deeper if the movement was not criticized by left-wingers. The members of the All-Polish Youth are sometimes called anti-Semites or nationalists. They defend themselves. But instead of trying to improve, the movement conceals weak points. This is not convincing.

Frequent references to Roman Dmowski[10] attract attention. But Józef Piłsudski receives little attention among the members of the movement. The fact that the communist government did not allow to study the lives of Polish nationalists may be one of the reasons. It seems obvious that protests against building the monument of Roman Dmowski in Warsaw and attempts not to name the main roundabout after the politician mobilize young right-wingers. It also makes Roman Dmowski more popular. I wonder whether Józef Piłsudski lost popularity due to the decreasing demand for military values or not. Roman Dmowski formulated a number of maxims. A political scholar – Roman Dmowski – wins over a serviceman – Józef Piłsudski.

The websites that cooperate with the All-Polish Youth, for example mysl.pl or www.politykanarodowa.pl, present the movement’s struggle for improvement as well as failures.

The Republicans are another influential youth group. The name is derived from the Republican Party in the USA. The movement is related to the Republican Foundation nowadays. Marcin Chludziński is the current headperson of the Republicans. He replaced Przemysław Wipler, who became the member of the Polish Parliament. The Republican Foundation publishes the magazine entitled Rzeczy Wspólne. The latest issue centers around the demographic situation in Poland. Concision and patience are observable here. The Civic Responsibility Foundation is also related to the Republicans. Its outlook, however, is more centrist. The members of the Foundation take an active part in public discourse. Tomasz Żukowski[11], Tomasz Terlikowski[12] and Maciej Zięba[13] reported the debates proved by them.

The National Radical Camp is comprised of extreme right-wingers. The members of the National Rebirth of Poland may be defined as chauvinists and revolutionists. It seems that young people who are not well-educated belong to these movements. We cannot call them young intellectuals. I mentioned the National Radical Camp and the National Rebirth of Poland because the opponents of right-wingers do not make any variation between such youth groups. This is the reason why the National Rebirth of Poland often serves as an example of all right-wingers.

The magazine Fronda also plays an important part. It has been published for several years. Fronda includes a number of serious articles, but some of them are rather naive. Nevertheless, this assumption is characteristic of many magazines. It would be challenging to interpret the articles published in Fronda because its journalists focus on various issues, such a integral Catholicism and counter-culture (I am aware that the concept may be imprecise).

It seems that the lack of public debates on the history of Poland between 1918 and 1939 has an influence on young right-wingers. They often refer to historical figures and symbols without any deep reflection. These references contrast with the outlook of adult politicians, who tend to criticize right-wingers that lived in the Second Republic of Poland. The fact that some publicists depreciate the National Democracy or accuse its members of fascism is one of the examples. The Polish Independence Day[14] or some other public holiday would be a perfect occasion to consider the history of Poland between 1918 and 1939.

Left-wingers

Preliminary research on young left-wingers reveals that they are less numerous and less influential that the right-wingers.

Young intellectuals gathered around Krytyka Polityczna seem to be the most important here. The café Nowy Wspaniały Świat was founded by them. The magazine achieved success due to Sławomir Sierakowski – a powerful and intelligent headperson – as well as the support of Gazeta Wyborcza[15]. Sławomir Sierakowski no longer cooperates with the Democratic Left Alliance[16], but it is claimed that he has much in common with the Palikot’s Movement. Krytyka Polityczna follows every value of left-wingers. It is believed that the magazine, which is quite snobbish (this is not their weak point), belongs to the adult’s world. The journalists take part in intellectual establishment thanks to Gazeta Wyborcza. They care about own values and refer to people such as Jacek Kuroń[17]. They also make attempts to re-interpret the activity of NSZZ Solidarność. It would take a long time to analyze thoroughly Krytyka Polityczna. Nobody has done it so far.

It is alarming that young left-wingers do not discuss the history of totalitarianism in Poland. Moreover, their self-confidence resembles the ignorance of democracy. The aggression towards right-wingers serves as one of the examples. The fact that Krytyka Polityczna helped the German to organize the demonstration on November 11, 2011 proves that.

The Antifa is widely popular due to the name as well as numerous protests. The movement is likely to use violence. What is the main goal of this youth group? “Fighting fascism under any disguise and in every part of life”[1]. This is anarchistic movement with no precise political outlook. It resembles other youth groups in Western Europe. Similarly to the National Radical Camp, the members of the Antifa are not intellectuals. Nevertheless, it seems essential to mention the movement.

One can also visit the websites of such youth groups as Wolność-Równość-Solidarność[18], the Young Socialists, the Workers’ Democracy and the Union of Polish Syndicalists.

Wolność-Równość-Solidarność refers to NSZZ Solidarność. The members accuse Wojciech Jaruzelski[19] of shooting at workers. They compare him to Augusto Pinochet. Having taken this into consideration, the movement has little in common with the Democratic Left Alliance. The Young Socialists criticize capitalism and Polish political system by referring to the decreasing voting attendance.

photo: DrabikPany

It is hard to describe other movements because the quality of their websites is poor. This may result from the lack of organizational structure and inactivity.

Ruch Oburzonych[20], which organized the demonstration nearby the University of Warsaw, has become popular. The members admitted that “Ruch Oburzonych was founded by several young people, many of whom attend the Multinational Secondary School of the Arts”[2]. They made an attempt to copy the demonstrations that took place in Western Europe. The young claimed that they do not cooperate with any political party. Their demands, however, are characteristic of left-wingers. Having taken into account that the demonstration organized by Ruch Oburzonych was dominated by those who are nostalgic about the Communism, it is hard to estimate whether the movement will play an important role or not.

The movements which have little in common with traditional left-wingers, such as Solidarni headed by Robert Biedroń[21] or the magazine Furia, are quite different. In the last issue of Furia it was stated that “the magazine is royal, divine and imperial. We focus on POWER. We deal with the fact that Poland is governed by the deceased. We write about communes and the ethics of care. We wonder why everyone would like to make love with a sailor. We center around the homeland of Bożena Keff[22] and the offences committed by Judith Butler. We wonder why everyone should desire Michelle Tea. We claim that women love power rather than men. We write about the delusion that the Internet makes us free. We consider violence in Sweden”[3]. I believe that the abovementioned statement is typical of Furia.

The magazine Nigdy Więcej also plays an important role. The journalists deal with intolerance and racism. Regardless of the fact that such articles should be appreciated, the focus is on the weak points of right-wingers. Nobody mentions the violent actions of the Antifa. Moreover, Nigdy Więcej often makes use of the language of hate.

Young left-wingers seem not to refer to the past. They rather concentrate on current affairs. This is, however, just a misconception. The protests against fascism were common previously. Right-wingers strive to prohibit abortion (they even make attempts to prohibit the use of contraceptives), while left-wingers focus on emancipation (gay movements and feminists serve as the examples). They rarely take social problems into consideration. Young left-wingers dislike police officers. This is observable on the Internet.

A couple of centrists

The website of Stowarzyszenie Młodzi Demokraci[23] is boring. Having taken this into account, it may be safely concluded that the members want to become the assistants of older politicians.

Young followers of the Law and Justice are gathered around the Internet Forum for the Young Members of the Law and Justice. They are controlled by adult politicians because even the forum is a part of the party’s website. Marcin Mastalerek is the headperson. According to the press, the Political Committee of the Party decides who will become a headperson [4].

There is a tendency that major political parties cannot attract the attention of young people. The foundations that cooperate with political factions, such as the Sobieski Institute[24] or the Civic Institute[25], also do not care about the young. Moreover, it is amazing that the Civic Institute has more in common with the Palikot’s Movement than with the Civic Platform.

It may be assumed that major political parties experience difficulties in cooperating with young people. Radicalism and expressiveness are characteristic of the young. Having taken this into consideration, it seems inevitable that they prefer to become either right-wingers or left-wingers.

Nevertheless, the abovementioned explanation is not convincing. Moreover, it simplifies the problem. The characteristics of young people are not responsible for such situation. It may be safely concluded that adult politicians, who are incompetent and unwilling to encourage the young, should take responsibility. The majority of young people is indifferent to politics. The minority, who does not cooperate with adults, becomes radical.

Disturbance and demonstrations

Having taken into account that youth groups do not generate intense media interest, the movements try to gain publicity owing to demonstrations. They concentrate on criticizing the opposition. Young people are aware that websites, disturbance and demonstrations may increase their popularity.

Right-wingers disturbed Parada Równości[26], while left-wingers held protests during Marsz Niepodległości. It is essential to emphasize, however, that the demonstrations would not have wide repercussions without the abovementioned disturbance. Such situations mobilize police officers (who must care about safety) and the media, which strive to present violence. Nevertheless, one must admit that the young behaved well.

It should be remembered that many members of youth groups, especially left-wingers, are not serious about their activities, which often resemble strange happenings or jokes (it does not relieve them of responsibility).

The support of adults

Regardless of the fact that adults take little interest in youth groups, the movements are supported by large organizations. It seems that adults, who cannot gain the recognition of the young, support such radicalism.

Gazeta Wyborcza supports left-wingers. The newspaper defended those who protested during Marsz Niepodległości. The journalists promote the concept of antifascism. Nobody remembers that the communist government used this term with reference to everyone who disliked fascism, especially democrats and social democrats.

Right-wingers cooperate with the Institute of National Remembrance. It happens because the young struggle to reveal the truth about historical right-wing political parties, which were discriminated by the communist government. One may assume, however, that the Institute of National Remembrance is too involved in this crucial issue. The activity of Jan Żaryn[27] proves that.

Historical politics makes young people refer to historical figures. This is the reason why they cannot agree with each other. The movements do not cooperate. There is no discourse.

Let me mention once again that adults, who cannot win the recognition of the young, make attempts to exploit them. Politicians strive to infect young people with obsession and inability to provoke debates.

Preliminary conclusions and further questions

Young politicians have something in common with adults. A number of young people achieved success in politics thanks to various movements (e.g. they became the members of the Polish Parliament). They have problems similar to adult politicians, i.e. inability to provoke debates and poor language.

Preliminary research leads to pessimistic conclusions and proves the assumptions which were made after the election. Adult politicians do not help the young who often follow their example. It must be emphasized, however, that young people usually adopt negative values.

It is difficult to achieve success in politics. One may assume, therefore, that people who aim to be successful are promoted. Nobody takes an interest in those who follow particular values. Adult politicians cooperate with the young that belong to their circle of friends. Conformists are also needed. Nobody cares about the independent leaders of various movements.

It is hard to estimate how influential and dynamic young politicians are. One may safely conclude, however, that youth groups consist of active members. The majority of young people do not take part in political life. They claim that we should take care of own matters rather than concentrate on society (professor Szafrańska assumed this is in her report entitled Młodzi 2011). It must be remembered that there are various ways of participating in public life. Volunteering and artistic activity are also significant. Nevertheless, it seems that politics is crucial because young politicians may become the ruling elite one day.

The fact that adult politicians do not care about young people or make attempts to manipulate them may influence Polish political culture, which will depend on the political maturity of young intellectuals.

Regardless of the fact that many assumptions are only hypothesis, the situation of young intellectuals is uncomfortable. It is not conducive to both political activity and political culture which should promote democracy and tolerant society. We may just hope that young people are more reasonable than adults. One should believe that they will not be influenced by demagogues, who struggle to make use of naive youngsters.

[1]http://antifa.bzzz.net/site/index.php?option=com_content&task=blogsection&id=6&Itemid=53

(02.11.2011).

[2]http://15pazdziernika.pl/o-nas (02.11.2011).

[3]http://furia.org.pl (17.11.2011 r.)

[4]http://www.polskatimes.pl/fakty/kraj/381253,ziobrysci-starli-sie-z-zakonem-pc-o-partyjna-mlodziezowke,id,t.html (27.10.2011)

Translation: Aleksandra Kozłowska

23-year old French citizen of Algerian descent dies from a sniper’s bullet. Earlier this citizen kills three unarmed soldiers (it appears that two of them were black-skinned Muslims) and three all the more defenceless Jewish children and a rabbi who is taking care of them. One of the girls tries to run away. The assailant gets her, catches her hair and shoots her in the head. He is recording everything with his camera, and at home he edits from the recording a macabre video clip full of recitations from Koran and of religious songs. The film reaches the media after his death. Someone found it on the Internet.

A few weeks earlier. On the Sunday morning American sergeant stationing in Afghanistan kills sixteen innocent people. Age and sex don’t matter to him. He drags out a random citizen of Kandahar from her home and hits her head against the wall over and over again until she drops dead. He tries to set fire to the children. He himself is a father of three.

While reading these reports, we can already talk not about the clash of civilizations but the clash of barbarities. The West brings the war to the East and vice versa. They both have clear intentions to impose their rights, norms, and customs on the others. It is an ideological war in which trained spells become a weapon, and an enraged ignorance becomes a shield. Because a battle declared in the sphere of ideology has to be taken and won there.

photo: ChadVd

Spells

Robert Bales, the American soldier who committed the Afghan slaughter, killed – as the experts claim – because of a mixture of some alcohol, stress, and family problems. We can try to imagine sergeant Bale’s life short before the massacre – keeping in mind the realities of life in the American unit stationing in Afghanistan. He cursed the locals a lot, the temperature not much less. He rather didn’t ask himself: what are we doing? Or even: what should we actually be doing?

Was he, like some other soldiers, urinating on the bodies of killed Afghans? Was he planting them weapon already after the shooting incident, in order to know who they were shooting to?

Or was he taking photos with the dead bodies? Probably from time to time – with the public’s laughter – drunk and simply tired he was saying ‘I would fuc***g kill all of those “scumbags”.’ Until one day putting spin on reality was not enough for him and he made a step further. He killed as he was saying. The public stopped laughing.

Omar Dakhhane, born and living in Algeria, a member of Amnesty International, described his recent visit at a local hairdresser. The TV in the salon was tuned on Algerian news relating the negotiations of French police with Mohammed Merahem – the killer from Toulouse. One of the workers commented on it ‘The guy is a hero. Good job!’ Indignant Omar asked how one can call a baby killer a hero. He heard a reply ‘And don’t you know what those Jews are doing to Palestinian children in Gaza?’ Omar emphasizes that he hears this spell almost at every turn.

Proportions

The Muslim world does not obey any political correctness which would not involve its own culture – it feels entitled to discredit any other ethical system. It operates on dichotomy: we are right, the rest of the world is not. The priestly caste, which has an overwhelming impact on societies, loves to highlight this fact – they were indignant about the image of Mahomet in Danish cartoon, but were indifferent to the massacre carried out by Merah.

By contrast, the world of the European civilization obeys the broadly understood political correctness overzealously. Morally disarming relativism loses proportions. Islamism is not Islam, and criticism of Islam is not Islamophobia. It is difficult to spot these facts in a public sphere, because where there is no space for a matter-of-fact criticism, thinking based on extremes appears. Maybe Robert Bales really believed that he is fighting against terror, when he kills innocent people? Except that the term “fighting against terror” is a cliché that is devastating for a healthy world view. As if I said that during the Second World War they fought against Blitzkrieg or with kamikaze pilots – I define the method of combat, not a real, requiring a close recognition enemy that Islamism is. Terror is only a tool in its hands. A spell precisely. A threat of vulgar demonstration of power, which the West is afraid of since the 9/11.

We are not able to help the Muslim to deal with their extremes and extremities. We are not able to create for them space for healthy public debate and widening the spectrum of acceptable values. The western civilization had built up its resistance by fighting with clericalism, working out unprecedented scientific and social development against the religion, not thanks to it. Against the churches, republicanism won with monarchism, and democracy won with aristocracy. Against popes, patriarchs, and pastors, lightning conductor, contraceptives, or the railway were accepted. They were once (and contraceptives still are) not less controversial than Montesquieu’s tripartite system, Voltair’s freethought, or Jefferson’s religious freedom. The West is not able to pass on all of this to the Muslim world, or all the more to impose them. The Enlightenment ideas are not a collection of words of wisdom that can be put in 140 signs on Twitter, and democracy is not a pot plant – it has to grow on its own soil, even if the soil is impoverished by hundreds of years of physical oppression and mental isolation.

What the West can actually do is to relax its constrictions relativizing political correctness. The West is the most critical about itself and loses proportions towards others; the West seems to be unhealthily reserved, or irrationally radical.

Unhealthily reserved when respect for feelings becomes the organizing rule of social co-existence, even for the price of contempt for reason. Advocates of Islam changed the way of thinking of the West: first they extorted restrictions on publication of “Satanic Verses” (passing a death penalty on the author), three decades later the British Government – already on its own initiative – removed “Three Little Pigs” from the reading list finding the story too offensive for the Muslims.

Irrationally radical when it involves into an ideological fight on spells, like through the rhetoric of Marine Le Pen and Geert Wilders, or on methods: “The Jews are killing the Palestinian people? And later those take their revenge on Jewish children?” = “ If the Afghans are shooting to us, why shouldn’t we kill some of them in their own houses?”.

The boundary between the ridiculousness and terror is blurring very fast, when in the one part of the city the adversaries of Israel’s policy are shouting “we are all Hezbollah”, and in the other part a neo-fascist youth is marching under the swastika, and there is no one else among them.

The reason

Let us not call „the culture of honour” a custom which allows one to kill their daughter because she was raped, or „bounden duty” killing apostate Rushdie, who by literary fiction insulted religious feelings.

At the same time let us definitely separate categories of nation and religion. We shouldn’t think of every Egyptian or Pakistani as of Islamist, because in this way we encourage very often sparse and not representative groups to speak in their name.

Let us not be deluded by the dogmas which put spin on reality on both sides: neither those religious ones from Teheran, nor those relativizing from Amsterdam. In mosques there should be no encouraging to destroy civilization based on different values, at universities the critics of Islam should not be measured in different way than the critics of Catholicism, the same as there should not be an arbitrary assumption that the Muslim do not want to and cannot be a part of society. Cultural relativism is nothing more than using double standards protected with a cordon of psychological terms like “Islamphobia” – the spell overused and, completely like accusation of racism or anti-Semitism, excluding from the debate and from the circle of civilized people. The respect for Muslims means demanding from them as much as we demand from ourselves.

This fight can be won once for all. One military or propaganda campaign will not settle it. Military victories will turn into a failure, and the place of one killed man will by taken by five more, until the West and the East condemn both Merah and Bales.

„It is not the war that is so scary, but the world after it. The world in which we are stuck like in a marsh, the world of hatred and slogans” – George Orwell “Coming up for Air” (1939)

Translation: Magda Goździk

I’m not overly fond of Prime Minister Tusk. For the first few years of my work in the public sphere I have worked for rebuilding the Union of Freedom that was already collapsing after Tusk and company deserted this party. I have consistently criticized the previous government’s policies on Liberte’s pages. Due to the neglect of stabilization issues and the strategy of ‘here and now’ those policies deprived Poland of a huge chance for the development and generated problems that would still have to be solved in the future. I really don’t like Donald Tusk’s style of leadership that consists in consistent disposing of those co-workers that are actually capable of having a mind of their own. Today, however, the situation has changed rather drastically. It is the Prime Minister that fights for the most important, in terms of civilization, reform that simply has to be carried out in our country, namely the one increasing the age of retirement. The reform that might be too moderate and stretched over far too many years. Nevertheless, the reform that is crucial for preserving our retirement system that enables living through the years of the old age with some dignity, and the tax scale that will be bearable for my generation of 20- and 30-year-olds.

photo: kamshots

What has changed since Bismarck?

The first retirement system was introduced as early as in 19^th century by Otto von Bismarck. Its aim was to financially support people in their advanced years, who weren’t able to work anymore. Such solutions were stemming from the effects of Industrialism as well as from discarding the traditional multi-generational family model. It has to be mentioned that, taking into consideration the average life expectancy of a citizen and the health service quality of those times, the time one lived through the retirement was relatively short. It was barely few years. At the same time, at the turn of 19^th and 20^th century the baby boom came. The number of working people, who committed a part of their earnings for the benefit of the elderly, accordingly to Bismarck’s idea,  grew significantly. This system of social solidarity had a construction of a pyramid. It was efficient as long as the number of working people outgrew the number of retired. At the beginning of the 21st century this situation drastically changed. Thanks to the achievements in medicine, the average life expectancy grew noticeably. A statistical Polish or European citizen lives longer and stays longer in a considerably good health. As a result, in the previous years we could observe a mass retirement of 50- or 60-year-olds who were fit enough and mentally well enough to practice in most professions. Retirement ceased to be only the support for the elderly. What is more, thanks to the well-developed medicine, people stay on the retirement pension statistically longer than before: for 15, 20, 25, 30 years. This phenomenon will only be more accentuated in the years to come as a result of the adverse population trend. Before, several people worked for one pensioner.  Nowadays, it is estimated that the proportions will drop to 1 retiree and 4 working people. Experts in the field warn that in 20 – 30 years this proportions will change to 1 retiree and 2 professionally active. It is rather simple: either retirement pensions will be half the amount they are now or the professionally active will pay a double ZUS (social security fees). Here, I send you, dear reader to your earnings to see how much of what you actually earn goes for the retirement fund in ZUS. Increasing social security fees for the young people (and for the all professionally active people) means they will earn approximately ¼ less. I probably don’t have to say how it will influence their already diminishing desire of having children. Not to mention having two or three of them to ensure substitutability of generations. The alternative is cutting retirement pensions down by half, however, everyone having a single grandmother or grandfather knows that for them it means inability to survive. Individual funds for those insured in ZUS also don’t help by much, for those resources are used to pay the current retirement pensions. As a result, our ZUS funds consist of entries in the accounting books. To ensure that those numbers will actually translate into our retirement pension, in thirty years there will have to be a certain amount of people working and making contributions to the fund. No miracles here.

Increasing retirement age seems to be the best alternative for preventing this absolutely negative demographic trend. Personally, I would really prefer to work for a few more years, even if I have to worry for the job itself, retrain and find a new occupation, to ensure my minimum of survival for the real old age.  I would also like to be sure that the tax scale (that is the payments we are due for the ZUS) will allow me to have a decent life and be able to meet the expense of having two children when I decide I want them.

Working is not evil.

In Communism Poles were used to treat work as a form of oppression that has to be broken as fast as possible. This sad heritage distorted our grandparents’ perception of life organization as well as their views on social and economic phenomena. However, it would seem that this mode of thinking is not dominant among generations that begun their professional activity and work in the new Poland. These generations self-identify themselves through work, as it provides them with meaning of life and defines their way of functioning in the society. Certainly, there are such problems as lack of jobs, unemployment or the fear of losing the employment. However, the necessity of work is not one of them! The III RP generations are addicted to work. I am sure that for the majority of the III RP generations’ people, the day they retire will be a kind of a personal doomsday event. It is a wholly different matter to say: “I’d like to rest when I retire, someday(…)” and to actually retire. What does it mean for the social life of the majority of non-millionaire retirees? A void, staying at home, watching a telly, limited contact with other people, self-isolation.  The more lucky ones will be able to count on having their garden plots and the possibility of working there (Hear me, hear me! Working!). The work socializes, shakes out of apathy, makes new acquaintances, creates commitments and requires to make some efforts. Jarosław Makowski of Civil Society Institute recalls the data that clearly shows that working up to the old age decreases susceptibility to diseases and increases the quality of life.

That is why I’m rather worried that it is the eldest, almost retired citizens that set the tone for the discussion over retirement reform. Why this phenomenon is such a negative one? First and foremost, this reform is stretched over next few years and doesn’t really apply to them. Their professional activity will not be extended by much. Secondly, it is not them that will have to pay higher taxes in ten or twenty years in case of stopping this reform process. Thirdly, it is not their retirement incomes that are going to be drastically cut but those of today’s 30-year-olds. Also, it is their generation that harbors the stigma of “work is oppressive” mentality, as they functioned in the communist society the longest. However, this mentality is alien to generations brought up in the III RP. Yet, it is those citizens of the eldest working generations, strongly rooted in labor unions that object the most. The young, for whom this topic is of fundamental importance, however faraway (what a 28-year-old thinks of the retirement or taxation in the next ten years. The right to download a free movie from the web is a more important issue…), do not express their opinions in such numbers as their older co-workers. What is more, by aggressively attacking the government in ACTA case, the government that at last begun the key project of reformation of retirement system in Poland, they effectively shoot themselves in the foot. It’s about time to wake up.

Translation: Magdalena Bożek

Mariola was born in 2010. She is 2 now. She slowly learns how to walk in high-heels. She takes her first steps in the women’s world.

When I first met her, she was wearing pink mini and pink low-neck top exposing breasts. B cup. She was ice-skating. Passers-by were stopping to look at her. At skillfully done pirouettes. At her too.

photo: xlordashx

Two years ago she made a decision: “I can no longer deceive myself and others. I must become a woman”.

The process of becoming a woman took her two years. At the beginning, she was doing subtle make-up. New, unisex clothes started to appear in her wardrobe. Later, more dresses. She started to paint her nails.

Colleagues at work were mocking her. Her kids have broken up with her. The wife cried. She agreed to sign divorce papers.

She has lost everything. A house, family, friends, acquaintances. She was left alone with herself.

This is the price, she had to pay for her decision. For the freedom of choice.

Krzysztof

Krzysztof was born in 1969. He died two years ago.

He was always different. He was hiding a rag doll in a wardrobe. When nobody was home, he would wear his sister’s dresses and put on airs and graces in front of the mirror. He shaved his eyebrows once and he got smacked for it. He had a crush on his male friend. He even tried to kiss him once. It was the end of their friendship and the beginning of acquaintance with Basia.

She was his close friend. With her, he was trying to be a man and not a “womanish” Krzysio. That’s the reason why he married her and became the father of her children. He built a house and planted a tree. Everything in accordance with social expectations. Everything against himself.

Social norms assume that a boy should play with cars, play football and fight at the school playground. He should start and provide for the family. A girl is supposed to play with dolls and be delicate. When she grows up, she should give birth to children, cook well and take care of the house. Since childhood, we are raised in a continuously repeated model… Meanwhile, every thirty thousands births in the world, a baby is born, whose gender is so-called God’s mistake. A girl is born into boy’s body. A boy is born into girl’s body.

We live in a free country

Transsexualism is defined as an inconsistency between individual’s psychological gender and his or her assigned sex which is deeply connected with one’s emotional discomfort.

It’s a disorder. It takes about two years to diagnose it. During that time doctors conduct a detailed medical and psychological examination. When the diagnosis is confirmed, they recommend hormone therapy, after which men who were born into women bodies start to grow beards. Women, who were biological men so far, start to grow breasts. The only effective treatment is an operation on genitals called sex reassignment surgery (SRS). Sexuological and psychiatric methods are ineffective.

However, there is a legal provision in Polish law, which regulates our sexuality related matters. In order to get permission for the surgery, the change of sex on the birth certificate is necessary.

It can only be obtained through legal action. In a lawsuit, a transsexual person is a plaintiff. Parents are defendants, because in order to conduct a trial, a court as a starting point takes fictional justification that, these are parents who are responsible for giving wrong information concerning their child’s gender.

For this reason, Mariola, for the past two years, has been seeing her parents only in court. Each time she hears: “You took our Krzysio! You are a pervert! We’ve lost our child!”

This subversive logic of the trial doesn’t even allow Mariola to try to live normally. Parents aren’t able to come to terms with their son’s condition. “They would rather see me dead, or at least being tied up in a white straitjacket and locked in some mental institution. Yet, doctors have posted a diagnosis – I am a transsexual person. Why is it so, that now about my fate decide strangers?”

In front of the courtroom doors I have met Mariola’s colleagues. They were called to testify the following: “Mariola always dolled herself up and, well, everybody can do whatever they fucking want with their bodies. We live in a free country. Supposedly.”

A body as a continuous realization of possibilities

In 1974 Michelle Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere have publicized a compilation of texts touching upon the subject of women anthropology – Woman, culture and society. Along with the publication, a discussion over the relationship between terms: sex (biological) and gender (cultural) have started. There also appeared a thesis that sex is a culturally imposed construct.

Less than twenty years later, Judith Butler, suggest reversing this thesis – gender is primitive to biological sex, as it is constructed by gender performativity.

In the gender performativity, charms, words said during delivery, are inscribed: “it’s a girl” or “it’s a boy” and they create the reality and begin the process of constructing gender identity. A child interiorizes this statement and then repeats: “so-called gender identity is a performative achievement, which is constrained by social sanctions and taboos”[1].

Sex and the concept of femininity aren’t stable. Certain femininity types are continuously enacted and reinterpreted, as “a human body is not just simply matter but also a continuous and incessant realization of possibilities”[2].

These possibilities are realized in accordance with strictly defined norms and categories – femininity and masculinity. Crossing those lines is socially recognized as deviation. A person’s freedom is respected only when it doesn’t attack the freedom of another person. The core of this problem is to define the scope of the freedom.

Mariola’s freedom ends along with the doorstep of her 20 sq meter apartment. Everyday, when she goes out, she feels the watchful and curious looks of the others. Every day she is exposed to mockery and aggression. Every day she powders and covers up the stamps of the past. On her tall and slender body she puts on a dress.  On her feet – shoes, size 9. Every single detail is finished with meticulous care. Mariola is a very attentive viewer of TV shows dedicated to women. She knows how to hide slightly too broad hips, expose shapely legs but still she differs from the image of femininity promoted by the media, which she is a great fan of. She diverges from the norm, in which she and we have been “trained”.

“How to Train Little Girls”[3]

In 1987 Zbigniew Libera filmed a little girl during family meeting. Then, female hands appear on the screen and give a few years old child a lipstick and a nail file. As in a slow motion we watch the images of passing on and learning certain behaviors and social roles. Young girls are trained on the model of other women. Whereas women cultivate and fulfill the women’s vision of attractiveness. Our personality is being estheticized and particularized by the outfit of social paradigms. What is masculine and feminine is clearly and unconditionally stated. The boundaries between what is natural for us and what is artificially and culturally imposed have blurred. Our identity is conditioned by the context. By the other person.

This other person, in Poland, is (stereotypically) Catholic, homophobe, racist.

In Poland, Mariola has met a priest, who on the question: “Father, am I a sin?” answered: “Nobody is a sin, just because they were born”. Since she always felt woman trapped in a man’s body, she should be a woman and live like a woman.

“Just try not to sin”, he added. “You cannot be with anybody, because you will mess with people’s heads”.

Mariola comes back to the empty apartment. Only a cat and a parrot greet her.

In Poland, during the last elections, Anna Grodzka has won a seat. She is the president of Trans-Fuzja Foundation and a transsexual person.  This surprising result has become one of the main topics of post-electoral analysis. News about unusual and customary transformation of Poland appeared in foreign press. In the Polish media, the attempt of redefining the sex phenomenon as well as understanding the other person was taken up.

The Polish reality becomes stratified.

In the official language, language of the media and political correctness, Mariola and MP Anna Grodzka are women (!), who have won the fight for their identity, the right to decide about themselves, full participation in the public life and in the lives of ordinary people.

In street language, language of neighbors and Mariola’s parents, transsexuals need to be treated and isolated.

Transsexuals live their lives, waiting for the verdicts. They live with the social verdict.  They are waiting for a chance to get treatment, to undergo the surgery. They want to melt into the crowd.

“To be drab and regular woman” with the right to life.

The right to choose freely.

Translation: Piotr Gmitrowicz

[2] Ibidem.

[3] Title of the movie by Zbigniew Libera

The protest is a fight for freedom in the Internet

For young Poles the protest against ACTA means first of all a struggle for freedom of the Internet. As much as 43% of questioned young Poles in the range up to 30 years of age told us that the disapproval of ACTA stands for the fight for free Internet. The second most important reason named by the inquired is the vague way in which the government led consultations – 30% of young Poles are of this opinion. Our research does not confirm the thesis that the ACTA protest is a revolt of pirates displeased with the fact that the state will curtail their ability of downloading files from the web – this was claimed by only 12% of those surveyed.

photo: Alexander Lippling

Attitude towards the ACTA protest is of a generational nature

Results of the survey confirm the generational attitude towards the protest. People over thirty are much less inclined to believe that the protest against ACTA is concerned with the freedom of the Internet – only 28% of the polled gave that answer – as much as 15% less than young Poles. Older groups of the surveyed admit much more frequently that they do not know what the ACTA case is all about – 1/3 of Poles over thirty stated that compared with 14% of the under thirty group.

As much as 13% of young Poles are personally involved in the protest

The ACTA protest triggers young Poles’ civic activity, which seems vital, considering the hitherto weak social or political commitment of the rising generation. For the majority of them (53%) the ACTA protest is so important that they keenly follow developments or are personally involved – 13% of people under thirty declared the latter form of activity. Poles are worried that bringing in of ACTA shall constrain their access to music, films and books by the Internet. Solely 31% of the polled assert the opposite. This result demonstrates the connection Poles notice between ACTA and their access to culture. People are vexed that implementation of ACTA will hinder their free use of cultural content on the web. Meanwhile a study of informal circulation of culture shows that the Internet is the main source of culture for the young.

Poles are more for retaining free access to culture in the web, even if it entails restrictions on copyrights

The majority of Poles (52% of the population) is willing to acknowledge retaining of free access to books, films and music as part of civil liberties, which should be preserved, even if it requires some violation of copyrights. Here also emerge generational differences. 61% of Poles under thirty support that statement (including 71% in the youngest group – up to 24 years of age) and only 48% of those over thirty. 47% of Poles from the latter older group is of a different opinion.

About the survey: *poll was conducted by the Institute MillwardBrown SMG/KRC on January, 28-29 on the representative group of 1003 Poles.

Translation: Alicja Bratkowska

photo: jugglerpm

When the French president Nicolas Sarkozy undertook the task of subduing the European crisis in autumn 2011 he not only fought for the future of the whole European project, but also for saving his own strategy of reforms in France.  The collapse of Greece and the resulting domino effect in the eurozone would force France to drastic budget cuts that would dismantle Sarkozy’s strategy that have been implemented at the beginning of his term. This strategy consists of gradual modifications of the French economic and social model instead of radical changes. The healthcare system, considered the best in Europe, constitutes the specificity of French social model together with recently reformed pension system, generous unemployment benefits and working week of 35 hours. The outstanding feature of this model is that it is second to none when it comes to its up-keeping and its being bureaucratised.

The high price paid for successes

French healthcare system guzzles 11 percent of GDP which is the second most important indicator of this kind in Europe.  Those expenses are attributed to very high administrative costs and index of sick leaves which is growing yearly, especially in public sector. At the same time healthcare service struggles against the occurrence  of exploiting the possibility of hospitalisation and tries to  cope with the amount of 3 million of patients who are treaded medically in the long term. The OECD report produced in 2011 concluded that French healthcare system has big possibilities of saving money without deteriorating the quality of service. However, the expenses for healthcare grow constantly from the end of 1970’s. To counteract this phenomenon the government introduced in 1995 the spending rule fixing the limit of increase of health expenses during a year, but the first time of this rule having been satisfied is only the year 2010.

France enjoys a fertility rate of 2,1 which is high in comparison to that of other European countries. The index of women’s employment in the age from 25 to 54, which is of 76 percent,  is one of the highest in Europe. As in the case of healthcare, these excellent results are the effect of important financial expenditure up to 3,8 percent of GDP, which corresponds to 2,4  percent in other OECD countries. According to OECD data in the year 2007 French budget’s expenses for a child at the age up to 6 years old amounted to more than 54 thousand dollars and outnumbered by half of this sum those of other OECD member countries. French family policy is formed by multiple tax exemptions, benefits, facilities on labour market and in the domain of childcare and is considered by OECD as one of the best in the world.

The structural lack of flexibility

As in the case of French healthcare system, pensions system devours essential part of GDP  – 13 percent. The French demographic situation deteriorates, even if it is still better than that in other European countries, which will be affected by a large depopulation (Germany, Bulgaria). According to estimations, the amount of people at the age over  60 years old will grow in France by 50% until year 2060. High expenses for healthcare and pensions and lengthening life expectancy ( by  3 months each year) make state budget burdens systematically grow.

The pensions system has recently undergone major changes, and the most important of them has been increasing the retirement age from 60 to 62 year old. Every year starting with year  2011 the retirement age will be increased by 4 months, which means that all French will retire at the age of 62 in the year 2017. The reform addressed the economists’ estimations, according to which the number of retired persons would grow from the present 15 to 23 million in the year 2050. What is more, the reform increased by 2 years – from 65 to 67 years old – the age entitling to collecting  pension of maximal height when the condition of contributing to  pension scheme has not been satisfied during entire required period. The period of obligatory contribution to pension scheme was lengthened from 40,5 years old at present to 41 years old in the year 2012 and 41,5 years old in the year 2020. The law largely restricted the possibilities of earlier retirement, but they will de facto persist due to the system of generous benefits that are possible to obtain before retirement. The whole reform will bring 24 milliard euros of savings to state budget yearly and translates into reversing the trend of spiralling expenses for retirement system introduced in 1983 with a decision to shorten retirement age from 65 to 60 years old.

The increase of the retirement age will render labour market of persons over 55 year old more elastic in the long term; it is anticipated that entrepreneurs will hire older workers and invest in their professional training more willingly if the perspective is their longer professional work. What is more, the essential factor encouraging the entrepreneurs to hire such persons is the support of state budget which will fund 14 percent of a salary of a worker older than 55 years old.  This incentive has been introduced to counteract the one of the major problems of French labour market – unfavorable conditions for workers younger than 25 years old and older than 55 years old. According to estimations, 650 thousand of workplaces for the representatives of the first group and 800 thousand of workplaces for the representatives of the second one are lacking.

The situation described above is a part of the structural flaw of labour market, which is characterised by very high taxation imposed on employers, high minimal salary and  poor quality of relationship between employers and workers’ trade unions. The trade unions are not so numerous – only 8 percent of workers  are  involved in trade unions’ activity – but they mobilise their members in order to strike with big efficiency while being passive when current working relationships are concerned.

The inflexible social model cannot be more divergent from Danish model – flexecurity, which gains more and more approval in Europe and becomes a remedy on the dilemma how to reconcile the requirements of capitalist competition and social protection of welfare state.

How to tackle the ‘gain’ of the Left

The striking feature of the French social system is a working week of 35 hours, implemented by the government of Lionel Jospin in the year 2001 and considered a main ‘gain’ of the lefty movement. This solution was based on the assumption that the reduction of working hours of an employee will drive the employers to hire an increased number of workers. The aim of the reform was to energise the labour market and to create even as much as 700 thousand of new workplaces. But the  reality proved wrong this assumption. The unemployment in France rose in the years that followed the implementation of the reform, and its modest drop in the second part of the decade was mainly due to a good situation worldwide. According to its critics, the reform struck mainly the blue-collar workers and the least educated workers.  It caused shifting the activity of many companies operating in France to new member states of European Union because of high labour costs in France (for example, taxation imposed on overtime working). The reform was severely criticised by Sarkozy during electoral campaign that preceded presidential election in 2007 – he referred to it as to ‘a social and economic catastrophe’. One of his electoral slogans was ‘work more in order to earn more’ (‘travailler plus pour gagner plus’). Many of the observers saw ’35 hours’ as one of the causes of big growth of support to National Front of Jean-Marie Le Pen, registered from the year 2002.  He enjoyed a high volume of votes attributed to blue-collar workers and unqualified workers, whose economic situation deteriorated in that period. Besides, the radical right is still the most often chosen party in this social group.

After his electoral victory Sarkozy didn’t take the decision to abolish ‘35 hours’ and restore the previous working week of 39 hours, in spite of continuing to publicly  denounce the reform. Shortly after the double victory of right in 2007 the government succeeded in enforcing exemption of taxation of overtime working in both public and private sector. According to the government’s calculations from the moment of implementing this solution 9 million of French earned on average 450 euros monthly  more, what justified the conception ‘work more in order to earn more’.

The 5-million army (of government officials)

Nicolas Sarkozy acquired the power under the motto of ‘peaceful break’ (rupture tranquille) with the social and political model of the V Republic. He managed to enforce the programme of economic reforms thanks to the world crisis, which enlarged the field of action if  budget cuts and unpopular changes are concerned. The state budget in the year 2010 was the first one in the history of France when the budget spending became smaller.    The reform of retirement pensions in the year 2010 reversed the trend of enlarging retirement privileges, steady from the year 1983. The plan of limiting the budget deficit under 3 percent until the year 2013 was also adopted. During Sarkozy’s term a reduction by 150 thousand of the number of state officials became possible, mainly thanks to a rule  of replacing each two retired officials  by a one succeeding after them. That was how the expansion of state bureaucratic machine was stopped. During the period from the year 1990 to the year 2007 a million of new state officials arrived and the total number of officials became 5 million. Today, French public sector employs almost one-fourth of all workers, twice as much as in the year 1970. Nearly a half of French is dependent on the state-funded salaries, benefits and pensions. They form an electorate interested in maintaining  the status quo and in preserving the leading role of state in economy. An interesting cultural barrier that makes it impossible to reform the system is the fact that nearly a half of French deputies are the former state officials. At the same time, according to the calculations of the former president of International Monetary Fund, Michel Camdessus, France is characterised by very low productivity. A typical American works on average 37 percent of hours more than a typical French.

A statistical way down

Since the year 1981 France systematically has fallen in the rankings of wealth, competitiveness and investment attractiveness. This process has partly been due to the questionable economic policy of François Mitterand that among other things consisted of renationalisation of the part of industry, and decreasing of the retirement age. During the last 25 years France plummeted from the 8 to 19 rank  if GDP per capita is taken under consideration. In the year 1991 French GDP per capita was equal to 83 percent of the American one, and today it amounts to its 71 percent. Public spending inhibited a low economic growth, unemployment remained high (9-10%), and the companies overpowered with taxation moved their production to Eastern Europe and Asia. French public debt equals to 83,5% of GDP today while in the year 2007 it amounted to 63,9%.  Nearly half of this debt is due to the renationalisation of industry in the 1980’s and working week of 35 hours, introduced in 2001.

Diagnosis of the ‘Doctor Growth’

Shortly after taking office Nicolas Sarkozy entrusted Jacques Attali, the former president of European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, with the task of leading  the commission formed regardless of  political divisions in order to ‘free economic growth’ of France.  The underlying aim of appointing Jacques Attali was to diagnose the state of economy and social system.

The final report of the commission comprised of 316 recommendations, including 20 ‘fundamental’ and 8 ‘ambitious’  decisions. The way of governing  France since the end of the Second World War was assessed mercilessly. The formal and mental barriers that accounted for restraining France in the economic motionlessness were all defined. The report pictured a huge potential of development of France, but also the enormous errors in governing the country.

The report presented fatal statistics: only 5 thousand of enterprises employs more than 250 persons, the French produce 35 percent less than the American during their professional activity.  The part of French export in world export has dropped continuously since the year 1994. Merely 52 percent of children from blue-collar workers’ families  acquire secondary education. For about 2,5 million of unemployed fall 600 thousand workplaces ready to be staffed, and the young people’s unemployment amounts to more than 20 percent (50 percent in some regions of country). The Attali’s Commission  predicted that public debt will be of 130 percent of GDP in the year 2020, and the share of retirement pensions’ spending in GDP will hit 16 percent in the year 2050. The report did not omit the phenomena considered as characteristic for France – the level of English teaching at schools was assessed as ‘catastrophic’.

The report called France a country of privileged, where the state controls the smallest signs of life and establishes the climate of social distrust. Very high taxes were stressed, as well as the biggest public spending among the OECD countries and budget deficit constantly exceeding the limit of 3 percent.

On the other hand, the factors building the economic growth’ potential of France were listed: the highest fertility rate in Europe, the very high level of healthcare, the well-developed infrastructure and dynamic intellectual and social life. According to the report, the strong points of France are also pharmaceutical, nuclear, communication and tourist industries that are on a leading position in the world.

Many of Attali’s proposals have been implemented in the recent years, including the reform of universities, increasing the scope of competence of government  bodies responsible for controlling if the rules of competition are obeyed, increasing spending for research and development. But a lot of them was not turned into practice or became implemented partly by Sarkozy, according to his policy of small steps and not radical reforms, with which Poland is somehow familiar.

A road without a possibility to turn back

The subsequent destiny of French social model depends on French citizen’s choice probably  between Nicolas Sarkozy and François Holland from PS – Socialist Party during presidential election in 2012. The latter is not as socialist as many of his predecessors. From a couple of years, elite of PS realised the inefficiency of the country’s social and economic model, despite voicing the need to maintain the status quo.  The ongoing European debt crisis undermined the field of governmental action in an extent even more important than up to the present.  Regardless of belonging to a specific party the government will have to restrict the public spending, which will naturally affect the funding of social policies.

The most prosperous years of the French social model have already passed. In subsequent years its scope  will be limited, according to the budget requirements, and trend to restrict welfare spending approaching everywhere in Europe, and the advancing privatisation of public services. The future electoral campaign will determine the pace, but not the direction of the changes.

Translation: Katarzyna Laprus

photo: AR McLin

Why does the state run social policy? What teaches us to function in the society?

We shall start the entire discussion about social policy by asking some questions about its philosophy and purposes. We should consider the reasons for which the state would carry it out and spend a high per cent of its budget on it. In European countries carrying out social policy is thought to be a simple consequence of the principles of social solidarity according to which it is moral for the majority possessing good life skills to help the weaker ones who are less successful as far as functioning in a capitalist society is concerned. One may cynically say that social policy is also a form of guarantee for the successful majority against the aggression from the socially excluded ones. It seems to me that the numerous failures concerning carrying out of social policy are caused by the improper understanding of the word “help” and, in addition, the function that the state has to fulfill is mistakenly interpreted. Here “help” means providing those in need with specific goods or services, such as: a meal, some money, shelter without requesting anything in return. This dogma is the basis of the Polish social welfare system. However, should the state act as a philanthropist or should it efficiently solve existing problems?

As a result, the state enables a great number of those socially excluded to only cover their very basic needs. Poverty generates new poverty and gives rise to new socially disadvantaged generations. Left-wingers claim: we should give more money to those who need it. Liberals notice that there in no more money for this purpose and that social policy is inefficient, thus it should be limited. The problem, however, is that neither limiting social policy nor spending infinite amounts of money on it will eliminate the problem. In order to break the deadlock, the definition of help should be changed. Help should never mean giving and not receiving anything in return. In real life, outside of the social welfare system such situations almost never happen. Help given to those less successful should teach them how to function in society. Thus, nothing should be given for free. You have reached a difficult point in your life, you need some welfare benefit, a communal flat, a shelter? Naturally, the state will help you but not for free. Welfare benefit in exchange for work. And there is a lot of work to be done: cleaning the streets, lawns, repainting public buildings and a lot more that the communes have no money for but it could be done by people being provided with social help. First, it will be socially useful. Second and foremost, it will teach them the life skills they need and they will get accustomed to some basic rules such as: being punctual for work, being  sober, working for the required period of time and performing a particular task. It will also give some meaning to their lives and will enable them to meet other people. Work and duties are the best socializing tools. Receiving something for free and having no responsibilities is highly demoralizing. Teaching people to work gives them the chance to get back to society and normally function in it. No welfare benefit will ever make this happen. This money only enables to cover the very basic needs. And the purpose of social policy, the reason why a rational country should take it on, is not the help itself but making efforts to bring people back to society and enable them to function in it. The purpose should not be covering people’s very basic needs and preserving pathology but giving them a chance which the Polish welfare system lacks in most cases.

Of course, there should be some exceptions to this rule. It is not advisable to force seriously ill pensioners to work. However, great efforts should be made to fight obtaining pensions under false pretences by people who are actually able to work. Naturally, it is not possible to force children to work. But how to help them and give them a chance to get out from poverty? The money that poor and numerous families get shall not be paid out in cash. Unfortunately, it is often not spent on a child’s development but on alcohol or other useless purposes. This is why instead of money given to parents, children should get: meals, textbooks, clothing vouchers, a place in a day-care room/library to study (children often have difficulties studying at home). This kind of help should not be for free. The conditions shall include good school attendance and promotion to the next class. In this way the state will put an end to financing alcoholism or parents’ stupidity but will really start helping the children, will give them some educational opportunities, a chance for development and future comeback to society.

Social attitudes and social organizations

The social welfare system is inefficient because of the structure and form of the institutions which offer this kind of help. In most cases, these institutions are run in an old-fashioned way and paperwork is of high importance. At the same time they are often poorly financed which often leads to occupational burnout and not putting much effort to work. Of course, this does not mean that there are no terrific devoted community workers in the welfare system. The system, however, does not create favourable conditions for it. Thus, it seems reasonable to reduce the number of positions in the social welfare system and give more money to employees who will keep their jobs. At the same time, it has been suggested for a long time that a number of duties connected with social welfare should be transferred onto non-governmental organizations in the form of grants competition, contracts, etc. It has been demonstrated that NGOs can manage their finances in a more rational way (in competition with other NGOs), they are able to gather passionate people who really want to work. They often do the jobs much better than the institutions. The homelessness welfare system in Poland is actually run by NGOs. It is high time this solution was implemented in other spheres of social policy.

Therefore, in order to improve the social welfare system, a great deal of work shall be done to improve the image of non-governmental organizations among the society. New habits should be formed. People should be taught not to give PLN5 to beggars in the street but to set up an automatic monthly transfer for Caritas Poland or Monar which offer real help. We must learn to trust non-governmental organizations.

Simple rules are needed

If there is a problem with management of a given structure/organization/program, which is the case with social policy in Poland, it is worth giving some thought to several simple rules which should govern the process. It is not advisable to stick to them dogmatically, we are not able to foreseen all circumstances, nevertheless, in general it is better to arrange the structure/organization/program on the basis of those simple, carefully considered rules. Great number of experienced managers suggests it really works.

Without keeping tight reins on social policy and without rationalization of its guidelines we will face living on the verge of state bankruptcy or radical and socially destructive cuts in state welfare benefits. Social policy in Poland craves for a set of universal and consequently applied rules defining ways of carrying it out. Such regulations may help us to avoid two types of mistakes commonly repeated in the process of shaping the social policy. The first type comprises of impromptu actions usually taken out of good incentives of their initiators. But the problem of such actions lies in their frequent inconsistency with already existing projects. What is more, they are often implemented at variance with economic rationality or financial abilities of the state. Another negative phenomenon, which obviously creates pathological situations, is the desire of politicians to win approval of influential group of voters.

What are those simple rules that we are talking about? The first one, already mentioned, should be inferred from the motto: “There is no free help.” It aims towards an attempt to restore individuals previously excluded from the society, to teach them work ethics, sense of responsibility, promptness etc. This rule may be called a development criterion. We assume that social policy should be oriented towards helping people to get out of the poverty and not preserving it. Such assumption has enormous consequences in the mode of distribution of welfare benefits. Financial effort of the state should be focused on creating jobs, teaching people how to work and mobilize them to take up jobs.

The spiritual criterion should become the next imperative. Social service ought to be granted to the poorest and not everyone. There is no rational explanation of welfare benefits being taken by well-off individuals or representatives of the middle class who in reality do not need such support. Unfortunately, laws allowing them to receive those benefits are still in effect in Poland and new ones are implemented or discussed too. “Becikowe” benefit (money granted to a woman after giving birth to a child) is a classic example. Duty of the state lies in aiding those who came a cropper in their lives and re-establishing them into the society. Support given to individuals who function efficiently is not justified. It should be excluded from duties and objectives of the state.

The third rule should be based on the criterion of the even odds. The even odds constitute an element of a basic philosophical principle that should become a guiding light for every activity of the state. A situation where the administration favours given social or professional groups over others is unfair and unexplainable. Therefore, the rule of unjustified preference of some professional groups at the expense of others, applied by the state as an element of social policy, ought to be eliminated. What I mean is a situation when we pass over the income measures and grant policemen, soldiers, farmers or miners a right to disproportional privileges, such as pension benefits, according to different principles than those concerning other professions. More often than not, the state’s finances are disastrously affected by such privileges, even years after their implementation. That is also not fair. Civil servant should not introduce laws which make farmer more privileged than shop assistant, taxi driver or lawyer. The incentive encouraging people to choose uniformed professions should be higher salary, not welfare benefits.

The fourth rule, another one previously mentioned, is the subsidiarity criterion. Welfare should be employed if, and only if, other means of support are definitely less effective or impossible to apply. Its creators should consider private entities and nongovernmental organizations being involved in the process; for the simple reason that they are frequently far more efficient than state institutions. In addition, the state should cooperate with these organizations and delegate to them some tasks connected with social policy being carried out.

The fifth rule is constituted by the efficiency criterion. This is a proposal of introduction into every act of law or regulation concerning social policy a mechanism of evaluation that would verify whether the aid provided in a given period of time was effective. Fictional and artificial welfare programs that usually do not turn out well are very common in Poland. Everyone is aware of that but a great number of institutions do not want to change the situation because they support themselves by this fiction and the government is off the hook for implementing any sort of social policy. Yet, it must be clearly stated that activities performed by employment offices and most trainings for unemployed are a total sham. Obligatory evaluation mechanisms of given projects in a definite period of time would increase their efficiency.

Discussing a reform of social policy it is worth to thoroughly consider what is the real use of it, what is the point. We are witnesses of the world’s entirely irrational discourse concerning the subject. Again and again political acts are being introduced assuming nonsensical allocation of funds to social groups that do not need such help or should get it in different form. The logic behind it: “Let’s give them benefits for free and gain voters” leads Polish legislation astray. On the other hand, financial cuts that are proposed are not thought through and not based on any analysis where to reduce and where invest. The usual incentive lies in potential gains bigger than expenses. We hope that the voice of “Liberté!” will contribute to rationalization of the discussion and in effect to introducing a reform that would result in efficient social policy carried out in Poland.

Translation: Małgorzata Jędrocha, Marta Jagustyn-Pustelak

May 15, Puerta del Sol

On May 15, close to the local and regional elections in Spain, thousands of young people gathered on Madrid’s main square – Puerta del Sol. They gathered to protest against unemployment, inapt handling of the crisis by the socialists, terrible economic situation of the country, and against the stagnation of the political scene, mainly the domination of two political parties, leaving only two possibilities: the socialists or the conservatives. The protests have begun to spread throughout whole country – the biggest took place in Barcelona, Malaga and other major Spanish cities. Next was the launch of the  website for Democracia Real Ya! (Real Democracy NOW!) and the publication of  The Indignants Manifesto. Their motto is: ‘Europe for citizens not for markets. We are not merchandise in the hands of politicians and bankers.’ In their manifesto the Idignants claim that the current political status system does not take care of basic civil rights; they demand democratic rules to be respected and object to social inequality. In more pragmatic terms, they demand the elimination of privileges of the political class, taking steps to combat  unemployment, improvement of public services, including health care and education, more effective regulation of the banking industry and reduction of military spending.   In addition, they call for electoral reform in Spain to limit the hegemony of two political parties, a factor especially important in a country divided into significantly autonomic regions.

The Indignants Movement is being often compared to the protest of 1968, as it is a spontaneous reply to a crisis and poor state of the country, theoretically it has no established leaders, and it’s program seems generic. As the commentator has noticed  in the article ‘Europe’s most earnest protestors’ in the mid-July issue of ‘The Economist’ – the greatest leverage of this movement is its popularity and social support the protests have gained. Protesters’ arguments may not be specific but they convey the general mood – disappointment, anger and outrage. According to the polls, in summer 2011, there was 80% support rate  for the Indignants Movement in Spain.

The name of the movement comes from the book ’Indignez-vous’ (‘Time for Outrage’) by the French author, Stephane Hessel. The book has been sold in 3,5 million copies, translated into dozen or so languages, including Spanish edition published in March. In his essay Hessel urges the French to express anger and indignation, just at it happened in case of French Resistance during World War II. He claims that today the main reasons to revolt and be outraged are the deepening division between the poor and the rich, the conduct towards illegal immigrants, limitations on independent press and insufficient attempts to maintain and develop French health care system. What has begun in Spain having  a French book as an inspiration, has been transferred north. Not only did the French buy the book in bulk amounts, but also symphatized with the Spanish Indignants and their postulates.

September 17th, Wall Street

It is hard to determine the influence of the Arab Spring and Spanish Indignants on the Occupy Wall Street protest in the United States. It is however safe to say that the Arab and European movements acted as prototypes for subsequent events in the US. People in America are protesting against the deepening gap between the rich and the poor, high unemployment, the greed and the corruption of political and financial elites, and the excessive influence of financial corporations over government decisions. They also blame the financial classes for the financial crisis in 2008. The protesters’ slogan is ‘We are the 99%’ and it refers to the vast concentration of wealth among the top 1% of the richest Americans.

The social support data are inconsistent, but almost all polls indicate that the majority of respondents are in favour of the movement. According to the survey conducted for the NBC and the ‘Wall Street Journal’ in October 2011, 37% of respondents supports the Occupy Wall Street movement. Another survey conducted for CBS News and the ‘New York Times’ shows the support rate of 43%. The popularity of the movement is probably increased by the support given by famous politicians, businessmen and celebrities like Susan Sarandon, Mark Ruffalo and Michael Moore.

The movement is being criticized in Republican circles. The conservatists, lead by the political commentator Erick Ericssson, in answer to the ‘We are 99%’ slogan, have launched the blog called ‘We are 53%’, referring to the 53% of Americans, who work hard, take responsibility for themselves and pay taxes. The contributors to the blog are referring to traditional American values like work ethics and self-reliance and criticize the protesters from Wall Street for being lazy whiners avoiding work and responsibility.

The Occupy Wall Street movement is loosely associated with the Idignants from Puerta del Sol, it arouses more controversy in American society, but it expresses the same tendency that is present in Europe – people are sick and tired of the current economic and politic situation, weary of the financial sector domination and fed up with the helplessness of the governing bodies in the face of the crisis.

November 15, all over the world

The Occupy Wall Street movement is, at least till now, limited to the US – the activity of the Idignants, on the contrary is spreading throughout the world. In response to the widespread support from various cities from many countries, the Spanish Indignants have published on the Democracia Real Ya! platform an appeal to all the displeased all over the world for solidarity with the movement urging people to enter the streets on 15th October to show the political and financial elites that it is not only the Spanish who say ‘no’ to the government. As a result, on 15th of October, exactly five months after the beginning of the protests on Puerta del Sol, demonstrations took place in more than 950 cities in 82 countries. The demonstrations were organized via the abovementioned website and mailing list and (or rather first and foremost) via social networking sites – mainly Facebook and Twitter. As in case of Arab Spring the new media proved to be an invaluable ally to the protesters. The biggest demonstration in October took place in Madrid and gathered more than half a million participants. Although the organizers of the protests have many times emphasized that marches and demonstrations should be peaceful,  the protests did not go without unpleasant incidents like injuries of policemen and protesters (e.g. more than 130 people were hurt in Rome), which have led to arrests.

The representatives of the Spanish Indignants avoid naming themselves the initiators or the fathers of the protests, they also emphasize the egalitarian nature of the movement by consistently avoiding indicating individual leaders. They often claim that the fathers of the resolution, were in fact the young people from Tunisia and Egypt, as one of the Idignants have told the ‘Dziennik’ newspaper: ‘It was them, who had ignited the spark, we have only blown the fire’. The Indignants movement consists of primarily young people, frequently university graduates, who have no views for employment despite having higher education.

The movement also has the support of the retired, the unemployed and the employees displeased with the terms of their employment. The scale and the pace in which the protests are spreading throughout the world raised eyebrows of the commentators gaining their attention as a phenomenon of an unseen scale. They claim that they frankly have not witnessed anything like that before.

The governing elites and the financial sector need to deal with the actual economic crisis, they also need to react accordingly to the protest of  dissatisfied citizens. In this case it is not just a bunch of protesters or  a spontaneous yet short-lived outburst of frustration; it seems that this time it is gradually more organized, grass-root supported movement uniting people from different countries under the slogans of authentic democracy and development opportunity for each and every citizen. How politicians in democratic countries will react to the  protests determines their fate on the political scene in the upcoming future. Election results in Spain, which ended in spectacular defeat of the socialists, confirm that argument. The Indignants are not naïve slackers, they are often well-educated people, with immense awareness of politics and economics. Their arguments may seem generic or idealistic, but there is no doubt that they bring hope for improvement and the bigger the scale and the more coordinated the activities become the bigger the hopes.

Translation: Agnieszka Ścieszka

Article originally published on the portal www.stosunki.pl